The kaleidoscope of Reform UK: Zia Yusuf’s exit, return and the Party’s unyielding march

Gawain Towler, Senior Adviser at Bradshaw Advisory and former 'right-hand-man' to Nigel Farage, gives his take on the Zia Yusuf 'un-resignation' as well as the Scottish by-election.

The fortunes of Reform UK twist and turn like a kaleidoscope, each shift revealing a new pattern of ambition, disruption, and resilience. The resignation of Zia Yusuf as party chairman on June 5, 2025, sent ripples through Westminster’s chattering classes, with Labour and the Conservatives gleefully painting it as evidence of chaos.

Kemi Badenoch, the Conservative leader, dismissed Reform as “not a political party” but a mere “fan club” for Nigel Farage. Labour’s spokespeople echoed the sentiment, sneering that if Farage “can’t manage a handful of politicians, how could he run a country?” The establishment media, ever eager to amplify such narratives, framed Yusuf’s departure as a fatal blow to Reform’s credibility. Yet, to see this as chaos is to misread the party’s DNA. Reform thrives on its ability to adapt, absorb shocks, and keep its eyes fixed on the prize: upending Britain’s creaking political order. As the last week has shown.

Zia Yusuf: The meteoric rise

To understand Yusuf’s exit, and return, we must first trace his remarkable ascent. A self-described “British Muslim patriot” of Sri Lankan descent, Yusuf was a political outsider when he burst onto Reform’s scene in mid-2024. A former Goldman Sachs banker who sold his tech startup for over £200 million, he brought financial clout and a ruthless professional edge. His £200,000 donation to Reform during the 2024 general election campaign caught Farage’s attention, and by July, Yusuf was installed as chairman, a move that raised eyebrows among the party’s grassroots, given his lack of political experience, but one that was pretty much universally internally welcomed.

Tasked with professionalising Reform for the 2029 general election, Yusuf’s immediate focus was the May 2025 local elections. Under his stewardship, and with Farage’s charismatic leadership as the figurehead, Reform underwent a transformation nothing short of seismic. Membership skyrocketed from 35,000 to 250,000, dwarfing the Conservatives’ dwindling ranks. The party expanded from zero to over 450 branches, a logistical feat that spoke to Yusuf’s organizational acumen. Electorally, the results were staggering: Reform went from seven councillors to over 800, gained control of 10 councils, secured two mayoral positions, and saw Sarah Pochin snatch the Runcorn and Helsby by-election from Labour in a nail-biter (12,645 votes to 12,639). National polls reflected this surge, with Reform climbing from 14% to 31%, leaving Labour (23%) and the Tories (17%) trailing in its wake.

Yusuf’s fingerprints were all over these successes. He spearheaded the creation of Reform’s “UK Doge” teams, inspired by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, to slash wasteful spending in the councils the party now controlled. He wooed donors, expanded the activist base, and introduced a vetting system to weed out extremists, a nod to Farage’s insistence that Reform was not the racist caricature its critics claimed. On May 4, 2025, appearing on Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg, Yusuf declared the local election results “among the most important in British history,” predicting they would break the Labour-Tory stranglehold. He wasn’t wrong.

The price of success

Yet, success came at a cost. Yusuf’s 12- to 15-hour workdays, seven days a week, for 10 months set a gruelling pace. His drive to centralise and professionalise Reform left casualties in its wake (myself included). The party’s pre-Yusuf staff were almost entirely purged, and even those hired under his watch, touted as the “best in the business”, faced high turnover. Resignations and sackings became commonplace, fostering a fearful mood at Reform’s headquarters. Some began to whisper that the party’s triumphs were despite Yusuf’s iron grip, not because of it.

Yusuf’s vetting system, initially hailed as a masterstroke, became a lightning rod for criticism. Decisions to block or approve candidates appeared arbitrary, alienating key activists who felt their loyalty was being rewarded with bureaucracy. Then came high-profile missteps. The most glaring was Yusuf’s decision to report MP Rupert Lowe to the police for alleged threats in December 2024. The police dismissed the allegations, and while Lowe lost the party whip, the move was seen as petty and vindictive. It fuelled resentment among Reform’s right wing, and started to lead to calls for his dismissal.

By April 2025, tensions were palpable. At a Birmingham rally attended by 8,500 supporters, Farage called Yusuf out from the stage, only to find him absent, reportedly too afraid of being booed to appear. The chairman’s absence spoke volumes. Yusuf had professional allies, but he had neglected to cultivate many friends within the party. Instead, he amassed enemies, both internally and externally. His undoubted successes had painted a target on his back, and every mistake was magnified.

The Burka Row and the breaking point

The final straw came on June 4, 2025, during Prime Minister’s Questions. Sarah Pochin, Reform’s newest MP, pressed Keir Starmer on banning the burka “in the interests of public safety.” Yusuf, a Muslim, took to X, calling her question “dumb” and arguing it was inconsistent for a party to ask the PM to do something it wouldn’t do itself. The public rebuke was a fatal miscalculation. In politics, disagreements should be aired privately, not on social media. Pochin’s question, while not party policy, had resonated with Reform’s base, and Yusuf’s criticism was seen as disloyalty.

The backlash was swift and brutal. Amongst the vocal and angry Reform’s adjacent hard-right, already skeptical of Yusuf, unleashed a torrent of abuse. Like for women in politics, ethnic minorities in politics, abuse is an occupational hazard, but in their case often laced with vile racism. For Yusuf, a man whose online life was dominated by “doom scrolling” his mentions, the onslaught must have been unbearable. The hard-right ecosystem—ethno-nationalist and fiercely anti-Islamic, piled on, amplifying the vitriol. After months of relentless pressure, Yusuf had had enough. On June 5, hours before polls closed in the Hamilton, Larkhall, and Stonehouse by-election, he announced his resignation on X: “I no longer believe working to get a Reform government elected is a good use of my time, and hereby resign the office.”

But even a quick parsing of that sentence showed it was personal and not political and his return within 48 hrs made that clear, he was exhausted, he had received torrents of abuse, but his commitment to the cause remained undimmed. And so he is back, but in a lesser and less people facing role. It’s messy but a win win for the party. It will also teach him and others a lesson, tweet in exhaustion, repent at leisure (and in the full glare of the media).

Not chaos, but evolution

The establishment seized on Yusuf’s exit and then return as proof of Reform’s implosion. Badenoch’s “fan club” jibe and Labour’s mocking of Farage’s leadership were gleefully echoed by outlets like The Guardian and The Telegraph. Yet, to call this chaos is to misunderstand Reform’s resilience. The party’s structure, built by Yusuf, remains intact. Its membership, branches, and electoral gains are not going anywhere. If anything, Yusuf’s departure has energised the base, with most quietly relieved at his exit. His return to head the party’s DOGE unit keeps him away from the day to day dealing with the membership, so Farage still harnesses his talents, while protecting him, and the party, from his less amenable side.

The Hamilton by-election, held the same day as Yusuf’s resignation, underscored Reform’s staying power. The party secured 26% of the vote in Scotland’s central belt, a region where it had no prior foothold, finishing a close third behind Labour and the SNP. Political commentator Dan Hodges captured the moment: “Anybody looking at last night’s by-election and thinking it represents a good result for Labour or the Tories is off their head. The fact that Reform can perform like that in Scotland shows they are now a genuine national force.” On the same night, Reform won council by-elections in Norfolk and Derbyshire (from Labour), Essex (from the Tories), and came within a whisker of beating the Lib Dems in Sussex.

The aggregate results of the 21 council by-elections since May 2025 tell a similar story: Reform gained nine seats, while Labour lost six and the Conservatives four. The Liberal Democrats picked up three, but Reform’s momentum is undeniable. Far from disheartened, the party’s mood is defiant, even optimistic. Yusuf’s kaleidoscopic moment has not and will not derail the machine he helped build.

The road ahead

Reform UK is not Nigel Farage’s “fan club,” nor is it chaos incarnate. It is a movement in flux, navigating the growing pains of rapid expansion. The Yusuf panto moments highlight the challenges of balancing professionalisation with grassroots loyalty, but it also proves Reform’s ability to weather storms. Farage’s leadership, remains the party’s north star. His knack for turning setbacks into rallying cries is unmatched.

The establishment’s glee at Yusuf’s brief departure betrays a deeper anxiety. Reform’s 31% in the polls, its control of councils, and its breakthrough in Scotland signal a realignment in British politics. The two-party system, already battered, faces an existential threat. As Reform eyes the 2029 general election, it must refine its vetting, rebuild trust with activists, and avoid the petty feuds that cost Yusuf his job.

But make no mistake: this kaleidoscope of change is not spinning out of control. It is setting the stage for a reckoning.